Economics of Global Warming
The
economics of global warming refers to the projected size and distribution of the
economic
costs and benefits of
global
warming, and to the economic impacts of actions aimed at the
mitigation of global warming. Estimates come from a variety of sources,
including integrated assessment models, which seek to combine
socio-economic and biophysical assessments of
climate
change.
At an
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)
conference in April 2007, delegates from 120 nations discussed the specific
economic and societal costs of mitigating global warming, and eventually
approved the
IPCC Fourth Assessment Report, which indicates general consensus that
benefits of mitigation are worth the mitigation costs.
Economic
impacts of global warming
Main
article:
Effects of global warming
Many estimates of aggregate net
economic costs of projected damages from climate change across the globe are now
available. These are often expressed in terms of the social cost of carbon
(SCC), the aggregate of future net benefits and costs, due to global warming
from carbon dioxide emissions, that are discounted to the present. Peer-reviewed
estimates of the SCC for 2005 have an average value of US$43 per tonne of carbon
(tC) (i.e., US$12 per tonne of carbon dioxide, tCO2) but the range
around this mean is large. For example, in a survey of 100 estimates, the values
ran from US$-10 per tonne of carbon (US$-3 per tonne of carbon dioxide) up to
US$350/tC (US$95 per tonne of carbon dioxide.)
In a 2004 comment on the economic
effect of global warming in
Copenhagen Consensus, Professor Robert O. Mendelsohn of Yale School of
Forestry and Environmental Studies, stated that
"A series of studies on the impacts
of climate change have systematically shown that the older literature
overestimated climate damages by failing to allow for adaptation and for climate
benefits (see Fankhauser et al 1997; Mendelsohn and Newmann 1999; Tol 1999;
Mendelsohn et al 2000; Mendelsohn 2001;Maddison 2001; Tol 2002; Sohngen et al
2002; Pearce 2003; Mendelsohn and Williams 2004). These new studies imply that
impacts depend heavily upon initial temperatures (latitude). Countries in the
polar region are likely to receive large benefits from warming, countries in the
mid-latitudes will at first benefit and only begin to be harmed if temperatures
rise above 2.5C (Mendelsohn et al 2000). Only countries in the tropical and
subtropical regions are likely to be harmed immediately by warming and be
subject to the magnitudes of impacts first thought likely (Mendelsohn et al
2000). Summing these regional impacts across the globe implies that warming
benefits and damages will likely offset each other until warming passes 2.5C and
even then it will be far smaller on net than originally thought (Mendelsohn and
Williams 2004)."
McKibbin and Wilcoxen (2002) cite
the
United Nations
IPCC
as concluding with 33 to 67 percent confidence that the aggregate
market
sector effect of a small increase in global temperatures could be
"plus or minus a few percent of world GDP".
Developed countries are more likely to experience positive effects
and developing countries are more likely to experience negative effects. Larger
temperature rises would be more adverse across the board. McKibbin and Wilcoxen
do not endorse GDP as a welfare measure.
The
Stern
Review, a
2006
report by the former
Chief Economist and Senior Vice-President of the
World
Bank
Nicholas
Stern, predicts that climate change will have a serious impact on
economic
growth without mitigation. The
report suggests that an investment of one percent of global
GDP
is required to mitigate the effects of climate change, with failure to do so
risking a
recession worth up to twenty percent of global
GDP. The Stern Review has been criticized
by some economists, saying that Stern did not consider costs past 2200, that he
used an incorrect
discount
rate in his calculations, and that stopping or significantly slowing
climate change will require deep emission cuts everywhere. Other economists have
supported Stern's approach or argued that
Stern's estimates are reasonable, even if the method by which he reached them is
open to criticism.
Main
article:
Global warming and agriculture
For some time it was hoped that a
positive effect of global warming would be increased agricultural yields,
because of the role of carbon dioxide in
photosynthesis, especially in preventing
photorespiration, which is responsible for significant destruction of
several crops. In
Iceland,
rising temperatures have made possible the widespread sowing of
barley, which was untenable twenty years
ago. Some of the warming is due to a local (possibly temporary) effect via ocean
currents from the
While local benefits may be felt in
some regions (such as
Siberia), recent evidence is that global yields will be negatively affected. "Rising
atmospheric temperatures, longer droughts and side-effects of both, such as
higher levels of ground-level ozone gas, are likely to bring about a substantial
reduction in crop yields in the coming decades, large-scale experiments have
shown" (The Independent,
April 27,
2005, "Climate change poses threat to food supply, scientists say" - report on
this event).
The region likely to be worst
affected is
Africa,
both because its geography makes it particularly vulnerable, and because seventy
per cent of the population rely on rain-fed agriculture for their livelihoods.
An industry very directly affected
by the risks is the
insurance industry; the number of major natural disasters has trebled since the 1960s, and
insured losses increased fifteen fold in real terms (adjusted for inflation).[17] According to one study, 35–40% of the worst catastrophes have been climate
change related (ERM, 2002). Over the past three decades, the proportion of the
global population affected by weather-related disasters has doubled in linear
trend, rising from roughly 2% in 1975 to 4% in 2001 (ERM, 2002).
According to a 2005 report from the
Association of British Insurers, limiting carbon emissions could avoid 80% of
the projected additional annual cost of tropical cyclones by the 2080s. A June 2004 report by the Association of British Insurers declared "Climate
change is not a remote issue for future generations to deal with. It is, in
various forms, here already, impacting on insurers' businesses now." It noted that weather risks for households and property were already increasing by
2-4 % per year due to changing weather, and that claims for storm and flood
damages in the
Financial institutions, including
the world's two largest insurance companies,
Munich
Re and
Swiss Re,
warned in a 2002 study that "the increasing frequency of severe climatic events,
coupled with social trends" could cost almost
US$150
billion each year in the next decade. These costs would, through increased costs
related to insurance and disaster relief, burden customers, taxpayers, and
industry alike.
In the
Roads, airport runways, railway
lines and pipelines, (including
oil
pipelines,
sewers,
water
mains etc) may require increased maintenance and renewal as they
become subject to greater temperature variation. Regions already adversely
affected include areas of
permafrost, which are subject to high levels of
subsidence, resulting in buckling roads, sunken foundations, and
severely cracked runways.
Venture capitalists and other
investors have noted potential opportunities arising from global warming, as
massive sums of money are needed for enhanced infrastructure as well as clean
technologies that could help reduce emissions of global warming gases. AsJoel
Makower, a noted expert on business and the environment, has pointed
out, "For all the handwringing over the negative bottom-line impacts of climate
change for most companies, a handful of large corporate interests may come out
winners, creating potentially profitable opportunities for forward-thinking
investors." These include companies investing in
clean
energy technologies such as
solar energy and
wind
power, but also companies in other sectors: agriculture (to produce
biofuels
as well as biobased plastics that supplant petroleum-based ones), information
technology companies (producing switches, routers, and software intended to
create a more efficient, "smart grid", chemical companies (producing "green chemistry" alternatives to petrochemicals), and producers of more
efficient motors for aircraft, automobiles, and industrial use.
Some
Pacific
Ocean island nations, such as
Tuvalu, are concerned about the possibility of an eventual evacuation, as flood defense may
become economically inviable for them.
In the 1990s a variety of estimates
placed the number of
environmental refugees at around 25 million. (Environmental refugees
are not included in the official definition of
refugees,
which only includes migrants fleeing persecution.) The Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change (IPCC), which advises the world’s governments under the
auspices of the UN, estimated that 150 million environmental refugees will exist
in the year 2050, due mainly to the effects of coastal flooding, shoreline
erosion and agricultural disruption (150 million means 1.5% of 2050’s predicted
10 billion
world population).
Ice thicknesses changes from 1950s
to 2050s simulated in one of
GFDL's R30 atmosphere-ocean
general circulation model experiments
Melting
Arctic ice may open the
Northwest Passage in summer, which would cut 5,000
nautical
miles (9,000 km) from shipping routes between Europe and
While the reduction of summer ice
in the
The combined effects of global
warming may impact particularly harshly on people and countries without the
resources to
mitigate those effects. This may slow
economic development and
poverty
reduction, and make it harder to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals.
In October 2004 the
Working Group on Climate Change and Development,
a coalition of development and environment
NGOs, issued a report
Up in Smoke on the effects of climate change
on development. This report, and the July 2005 report
Africa - Up in Smoke? predicted increased
hunger and disease due to decreased rainfall and severe weather events,
particularly in
Africa. These are likely to have severe impacts on development for those affected.
At the same time, in developing
countries, the poorest often live on flood plains, because it is the only
available space, or fertile agricultural land. These settlements often lack
infrastructure such as dykes and early warning systems. Poorer communities also
tend to lack the insurance, savings or access to credit needed to recover from
disasters.
Secondary evidence of global
warming — reduced snow cover, rising sea levels, weather changes — provides
examples of consequences of global warming that may influence not only human
activities but also
ecosystems. Increasing global temperature means that ecosystems may change; some
species may be forced out of their habitats (possibly to extinction) because of changing
conditions, while others may flourish. Few of the
terrestrial ecoregions on Earth could expect to be unaffected.
Increasing carbon dioxide may
increase ecosystems' productivity to a point. Ecosystems' unpredictable
interactions with other aspects of
climate
change makes the possible environmental impact of this unclear,
though. An increase in the total amount of
biomass
produced may not be necessarily positive:
biodiversity can still decrease even though a relatively small number
of species are flourishing.
Positive
eustasy
(sea-level rise) may contaminate
groundwater, affecting drinking water and agriculture in coastal
zones. Increased evaporation will reduce the effectiveness of reservoirs.
Increased extreme weather means more water falls on hardened ground unable to
absorb it, leading to flash floods instead of a replenishment of soil moisture
or groundwater levels. In some areas, shrinking glaciers threaten the water
supply. The availability of freshwater
runoff from mountains for natural systems and human uses may also be
impacted.
Higher temperatures will also
increase the demand for water for the purposes of cooling and hydration.
In the
Sahel, there has been on average a 25% decrease in
annual rainfall over the past 30 years.
Direct effects of temperature rise
Rising temperatures have two
opposing direct effects on
mortality: higher temperatures in winter reduce deaths from cold; higher temperatures in
summer increase heat-related deaths.
The distribution of these changes
obviously differs. Palutikof et al.
calculate that in England and Wales for a 1 °C temperature rise the reduced
deaths from cold outweigh the increased deaths from heat, resulting in a
reduction in annual average mortality of 7000. However, in the United States,
only 1000 people die from the cold each year, while twice that number die from
the heat.The
2006 United States heat wave has killed 139 people in California as of
29 July 2006. [Deaths of livestock have not been well-documented.]
Fresno, in the central California valley, had six consecutive days of 110
degree-plus
Fahrenheit temperatures.
The
European heat wave of 2003 killed 22,000–35,000 people, based on normal
mortality rates (Schär and Jendritzky, 2004). It can be said with 90% confidence
that past human influence on climate was responsible for at least half the risk
of the 2003 European summer heat-wave (Stott et al 2004).
Global warming is expected to
extend the favourable zones for
vectors conveying
infectious disease such as
malaria.
In poorer countries, this may simply lead to higher incidence of such diseases.
In richer countries, where such diseases have been eliminated or kept in check
by
vaccination, draining swamps and using pesticides, the consequences
may be felt more in economic than health terms, if greater spending on
preventative measures is required.
Contamination by sector and cost of reducing fossil fuel use
Reducing greenhouse gas emissions
depends on lowering consumption of fossil fuels. The key challenge is that
nearly all forms of economic activity rely on fossil fuel energy sources, from
transportation fuel, electricity from coal-fired plants, industrial furnaces to
home and office heating. Reducing emissions can be achieved through gains in
efficiency - producing the same benefits with smaller amounts of fossil energy,
or by displacing fossil sources with non- or low-emitting sources. Low emission
renewable energy sources such as wind, solar and biomass still
represent only a small fraction of total energy consumption
.
The scale of current fossil energy dependence poses a substantial challenge.
Gaining
energy efficiency typically requires up-front investment, such as adding
insulation, replacing energy-inefficient devices and processes, or buying hybrid
vehicles. Some such investments can pay for themselves in the savings on energy
bills, and the economic case for choosing them depends on the
payback period. If an upgrade's payback is better than the risk-free
interest rate, economic theory predicts individuals will choose the higher
return of making the efficiency investment.
If current pricing is not leading to this outcome, the cost of fossil energy is
not yet high enough to drive adoption of available efficiency gains.
Advocates of mitigating climate
change hold that greenhouse gas emissions must carry a price, so the market can
price in the impact of their emission. This could take the form of a
carbon
tax or of
emission
caps, with a market created for trading
emission
permits, much as was done for sulfate emissions blamed for
acid
rain. Thus the economic impact of avoiding greenhouse gas emissions
depends on how much consumption will have to be avoided, and how quickly the
economy can incorporate efficiency gains.
Some pundits have criticized such
attempts at calculating the costs of mitigating climate change by avoiding
fossil fuel consumption, pointing out that the
opportunity costs of avoiding consumption are not (and cannot) be
calculated and are likely to be more important than the expected benefits. Many estimates of aggregate net economic costs of damages from climate change across the globe (i.e., the social cost of carbon (SCC), expressed in terms of future net benefits and costs that are discounted to the present) are now available. Peer-reviewed estimates of the SCC for 2005 have an average value of US$43 per tonne of carbon (tC) (i.e., US$12 per tonne of carbon dioxide) but the range around this mean is large, primarily due to the variation in discount rates used. For example, in a survey of 100 estimates, the values ran from US$-10 per tonne of carbon (US$-3 per tonne of carbon dioxide) up to US$350/tC (US$95 per tonne of carbon dioxide.)
Main
article:
Mitigation of global warming
See also:
Adaptation to global warming
The costs of mitigating (reducing)
global warming depend on a number of factors. One fundamental factor is the
target level of atmospheric carbon dioxide: the lower the level, the sooner
action must be taken if increases beyond the target level are to be avoided. The
sooner action must be taken, the shorter the period over which costs must be
spread, and the higher the absolute costs, as cheaper technologies which might
emerge later are not yet available. A common target level (assumed by
the United Kingdom) is 550ppm (current levels are around 380ppm, and rising
at 2-3ppm per year). Signatories of the
Kyoto
Protocol committed themselves to targets that require lowering their
national
greenhouse gas emissions to a specified level relative to their actual 1990
emissions. Many nations set targets to reach a small percentage below 1990
levels, during the target period for Kyoto of 2008-2012.
Another crucial factor in
estimating the costs of climate change is the
discount
rate to apply. Normally a relatively high rate (e.g. 5%-10%) is
applied, reflecting the cost of capital. However, where intergenerational issues
involve potential irreversibilities such as climate change, a low discount rate
(e.g. 1%-4%) may be applied. The difference is dramatic: at 4% (a typical rate
for
social
issues), avoiding $1m worth of climate change damage in 100 years'
time is valued at nearly $20,000 today (net present value), whereas at 8% it is valued at less than $500.
Another area for debate is the
relationship between
technological development and regulatory incentives: if regulation can induce substantial
technological change, the costs of mitigation may be much lower. IPCC TAR (Synthesis Report) suggested values of $78bn to $1141bn annual mitigation costs, amounting to 0.2% to 3.5% of current world GDP (which is around $35 trillion), or 0.3% to 4.5% of GDP if borne by the richest nations alone. As economic growth is expected to continue, the percentage would fall. In terms of cost per tonne of carbon emission avoided, the range (for a target of 550ppm) is $18 to $80.
These cost estimates refer to
reductions achieved through tradable emissions permits when those permits are
given away to polluters. If the reductions are achieved through emission taxes
or auctioned permits, and the revenue is used to reduce distortionary taxes, the
TAR III synthesis report concludes that "[depending] on the existing tax
structure, type of
tax cuts,
labour
market conditions and method of recycling... it is possible that the
economic benefits may exceed the costs of mitigation." This is in contrast to
McKibbin and Wilcoxen's (2002) report that Nordhaus and Boyer calculated that
the present value cost of
the Kyoto Protocol would be $800 billion to $1,500 billion if implemented as
efficiently as possible. They also cite a study by Tol that estimated the net
present value cost to be more than $2.5 trillion.
Azar and Schneider (2002) observe
that global output in 1990 was around $20 trillion. If it grew steadily at 2.1
percent per annum it would be just short of $200 trillion by 2100. They thereby
make the point that the calculated
present
value costs of mitigation would look smaller if scaled against 2100
output than if scaled against 1990 output. However, neither comparator is
relevant to the question of whether the likely benefits from mitigation exceed
the costs. Lord Peter Levene , chairman of Lloyd's of London, demanded, on 12 April 2007, that the threat of climate change must be an integral part of every company’s risk analysis.
McKibbin and Wilcoxen also report
that Nordhaus and Boyer calculated that the present value of benefits from
mitigation under the Kyoto Protocol would be $120 billion, far below the likely
costs. McKibbin and Wilcoxen report that "[o]ther studies reach similar
conclusions". They cite Tol as concluding that "the emissions targets agreed in
the Kyoto Protocol are irreconcilable with economic rationality."
However, the
Stern
Review produced much larger benefit estimates, of between 5 per cent
and 20 per cent of GDP. The difference reflected a number of factors, the most
important of which were the choice of discount rate, the use of welfare
weighting for effects on people in poor countries, a greater weight on damage to
the natural environment and the use of more up-to-date scientific estimates of
likely damage.
In addition to avoiding the costs
of the business-as-usual scenario, mitigation actions can bring other benefits,
depending on factors such as the technology used. These include, for example,
the reduced economic impact from
oil
supply disruptions and/or price rises, if mitigation reduces oil
dependence. This may be of particular benefit to non-oil-exporting
developing countries, which suffer greater economic impact from oil price
rises. Co-benefits from ending
deforestation include protection of biodiversity, benefits for indigenous
people, research and development possibilities, tourism, and some protection
from extreme weather events. (Stern Review, page 280)
Optimal strategies
for mitigation
Financial and technological
strategies can have a major impact on reaching a particular target atmospheric
greenhouse gas concentration.
Hybrid systems of permits and
user
fees (e.g. the Brookings McKibbin-Wilcoxen Blueprint)
Regulation
Reducing the
carbon
intensity of energy via
Nuclear
power or
Renewable Energy
"No regrets" policies - notably
reducing
fossil fuel subsidies, which is predicted to increase growth whilst reducing
CO2 emissions. Article 2 of the Kyoto Protocol specifies a progressive removal
of subsidies and reform of taxes as a means of achieving reduction commitments.
McKibbin and Wilcoxen (2002) argue
that a combination of long term carbon price signals and short terms caps on
economic cost is needed to address both
economic efficiency, equity sharing and political feasibility.
The
Stern
Review recommends adopting a quantative global stabilisation target
range for the stock of greenhouse gases as a foundation for policy. It suggests
that this target range would be likely to be somewhere between 450-550 ppm CO2-e.
It also recommends a carbon price signal through the use of a carbon tax or
emissions trading scheme.
Brink et al (2005) showed that the
costs of mitigation can be reduced by considering the inter-relationships of
different
greenhouse gas, and the differential impact that different technological
decisions may have on their emissions.
The costs and benefits of global
warming are distributed quite unequally.
low-lying countries' risk of floods
many countries subject to increased
drought are poor
African countries
ability of poor countries to
mitigate / adapt (margin)
GW increases variability of
weather, which implies greater capital requirements for water storage systems,
flood defenses, etc as well as individual requirements to cope with wider
variation in weather patterns
The costs of mitigation may also be
distributed unequally, both within and between countries.
Wier et al (2005) showed that carbon taxes, particularly
direct
taxes on households, are regressive (more so than
VAT), suggesting that in order to maintain social
acceptance the regressive effect needs to be compensated for either within the
environmental tax structure, or in other parts of the tax system.
Indirect
taxes (on business) are less regressive, and petrol taxes are found
to be progressive.
Bastianoni et al (2004) note the
differences between methodologies for assigning responsibility for greenhouse
gas emissions, which include the geographical approach, based on the IPCC
guidelines for GHG inventory; the consumer responsibility approach, based on the
Ecological Footprint methodology; and the Carbon Emission Added (CEA)
approach, which resembles the accounting of a
Value
Added Tax. Different methodologies can produce quite different
results in terms of responsibility for emissions, with consequent impact on
policy.
Gradual change vs climate surprises
Baranzini et al (2003) conclude
that "(i) gradual, continuous uncertainty in the global warming process is
likely to delay the adoption of abatement policies as found in previous studies,
with respect to the standard CBA; however (ii) the possibility of climate
catastrophes accelerates the implementation of these policies as their net
discounted benefits increase significantly."
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